الرئيسية / مقالات / ماذا فعل الصحفي الاميركي في بيروت ديفيد اغناتيوس وكيف يتصادف ما كتبه في ” الواشنطن بوست” مع بعض مواقف الحراك في لبنان

ماذا فعل الصحفي الاميركي في بيروت ديفيد اغناتيوس وكيف يتصادف ما كتبه في ” الواشنطن بوست” مع بعض مواقف الحراك في لبنان

رصد/ بيروت نيوز عربية/ صحيفة الكترونية

بداية شهر تشرين حضر الى لبنان صحفي امريكي شهير اسمه ديفيد اغناتيوس على علاقة بدوائر البيت الابيض ويعتبر مستشارا هاماً لل سي اي ايه “حضر قبل بدء الحراك الشعبي باسبوعين اي فترة (الحرائق المفتعلة )” واجتمع بعدد من رموز ١٤ اذار لكن الاجتماع الاهم كان بينه وبين وليد جنبلاط وطرح اغناتيوس كل ورقة العمل التي تسمعون نقاطها اليوم في الشارع من “قيادة الحراك المدني على لسان المتظاهرين “(بدون الاشارة الى موضوع ترسيم الحدود الذي يهم الكيان الاسرائيلي) ، وسر حماس جنبلاط وجعجع وكل رموز ١٤ اذار لطرح حكومة التكنو قراط لا يتمثل فيها التيار الوطني بشخص باسيل ويستبعد منها حزب الله نهائيا

وقبل بدء الحراك بيوم اي في ١٦ تشرين نشر اغناتيوس في الواشنطن بوست مقالا فيه كل نقاط الورقة التي يطرحها فريق ١٤ اذار والمتظاهرين الذين تحركهم منظمات المجتمع المدني وجامعتين معروفتين الامريكية واليسوعية
واشتملت على النقاط التالية
١-خصخصة القطاع العام وتحديدا قطاع الطاقة والاتصالات
٢- تغيير حكومي سريع لا يحوي حزب الله والفاسدين
٣- الاسراع في اجراء مفاوضات بين لبنان واسرائيل لترسيم الحدود البرية والبحرية تحت مظلة الامم المتحدة كي لا تتهم الادارة الامريكية بالضغط على لبنان
٤- والايعاز الى السعودية والامارات بضخ الاموال للحكومة الجديدة الخالية من الفساد بحسب قوله
٥- اقفال المعابر (الغير شرعية ) مع سوريا
٦- التضييق على حزب الله سياسيا واجتماعيا واعلاميا وامنيا
هذه هي خلفيات المتحمسين لحكومة التكنو قراط واهدافها الحقيقية.
 President Trump’s abandonment of the Kurds in Syria are rumbling through the region, and a string of Lebanese officials told me last week that they fear they’re the next to be discarded by the United States.

Lebanese politicians and security officials, in a series of off-the-record conversations, expressed concern about Trump’s acquiescence to Turkey’s invasion of Syria, and the seeming eclipse of U.S. power. “I feel sorry for America,” one prominent member of parliament told me. “We feel pity,” said a senior security official. “This America is not the America we used to know.”

Several officials said the withdrawal of U.S. support for its allies in Syria all but guarantees an eventual victory there for the alliance that includes Iran, Russia and the Syrian regime of President Bashar al-Assad — perhaps working in combination with Turkey.

The Iran-Syria-Russia axis has won,” said a top Lebanese politician. “Syria will be united again” as the regime makes a deal with the weakened Kurdish militia there, the senior security official said. He explained that, for Iran, this Syria denouement is ideal: “Who could offer them a situation better than that?”

Lebanese anxiety about U.S. reversals in Syria is largely a matter of self-interest. Lebanon survives by maintaining a balance between East and West, Iran and Saudi Arabia, Sunnis and Shiites, Christians and Muslims. What has helped keep this precarious structure alive for decades was the belief that the United States, in the end, wouldn’t let the country be dominated entirely by enemies of the West.

But any remaining faith in U.S. power was jolted last week. Hasan Nasrallah, the leader of Hezbollah, gloated the day after the Turkish invasion: “Americans can’t be trusted at all since they break promise with anyone who depends on them.” Other Lebanese found it hard to disagree
 administration that needs to reassert its interests in the Middle East: Double down on Lebanon, a country where the United States already provides significant economic and military support. Secretary of State Mike Pompeo, who says he wants a stronger Lebanon, should condition this additional aid on specific economic reforms that can stem the corruption that’s almost as serious a threat as Hezbollah.

Some administration officials argue that Beirut is already a lost cause: Hezbollah is the dominant political force here, so let Iran worry about a collapsing Lebanon, they contend. But that argument is wrong, especially now. The last thing the Middle East needs is another failed state, especially one on Israel’s border. A stronger Lebanese state would hurt Hezbollah rather than help it.

The United States is already providing about $200 million annually in equipment and training for the Lebanese military and security forces, U.S. officials say. And it’s the largest aid donor for the estimated 1.3 million Syrian war refugees here. The United States should encourage Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates and other regional powers that oppose Iran to put more money into Lebanon, too. But the United States needs to convince the Gulf states that their money won’t just disappear down the drain of Lebanese corruption

 administration that needs to reassert its interests in the Middle East: Double down on Lebanon, a country where the United States already provides significant economic and military support. Secretary of State Mike Pompeo, who says he wants a stronger Lebanon, should condition this additional aid on specific economic reforms that can stem the corruption that’s almost as serious a threat as Hezbollah.

Some administration officials argue that Beirut is already a lost cause: Hezbollah is the dominant political force here, so let Iran worry about a collapsing Lebanon, they contend. But that argument is wrong, especially now. The last thing the Middle East needs is another failed state, especially one on Israel’s border. A stronger Lebanese state would hurt Hezbollah rather than help it(….)

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